I have just finished reading one of those books that finally seems both irritating and intriguing. It's a nonfiction book called Darwin's Cathedral, written by David Sloan Wilson, a professor of biology and anthropology at Binghamton University. (Published in 2002, it is yet another of those books that all too often sits on my "to read" shelf for a long time before I actually get around to reading it.) In the end, I feel that I learned a great deal from the book, and that much of it has to be right, but also that at least as much just has to be wrong.
I believe I am fairly well acquainted with modern Darwinian theory (at least for an English major), but of course I cannot really judge the book's scientific merits with any great authority. It is written to be comprehensible to the general reader, although a consequence of this is that the book ultimately seems rather skimpy, short on detail and its argument based on only a few, rather conveniently chosen illustrative examples. Furthermore, the real interest of the book, at least to me, lies in the implications of its thesis if Sloan's analysis proves to be correct, including implications for literature and its role in human society, as I hope to discuss at the end of this post.
Wilson argues on behalf of "group selection," a concept that has for quite a long time been considered discredited in evolutionary theory and that proposes we think of natural selection as working on groups as well as individuals. This argument takes dead aim at Richard Dawkins's notion of the "selfish gene," which, in Dawkins's version of Darwinism, would have adaptation occur solely at the level of genes that work to make individuals more or less fit in adapting to their environments. "Group selection" is a more specific instance of what Wilson calls "multilevel selection," which "expresses the possibility that natural selection can operate at more than one level of the biological heirarchy." It can also operate on groups, which are seen as social organisms of a sort that can "evolve into adaptive units." In other words, some groups are also more or less fit in adapting to their environments, and in his most radical move Wilson proposes that societies themselves can be seen as "groups" in this sense.
Further, in his introduction to the book, Wilson reveals that he takes group selection theory to have very profound implications indeed: "I do not believe that human nature is fundamentally selfish, such that genuine altruism and morality become illusions. I do not believe that human nature can be explained entirely in terms of genetic evolution, such that it was set in stone during the Stone Age. I regard human evolution as a rapid and ongoing process, made possible by mechanisms loosely described as cultural, which means that human nature will never be set in stone, for better or for worse." In Wilson's account, neither altruism nor morality are human attributes made possible primarily through genetic expression; both are behaviors that themselves evolve along with the groups from which they emerge, and they so evolve because in very practical terms they work.
The group within which selection works most effectively, or so one would gather from reading his book, is the one created by religion, which Wilson spends most of his book both explicating and defending. Religious beliefs allow self-contained societies to adapt themselves to their circumstances, in effect making those societies able to function in ways that ensure their survival in evolutionary terms. Wilson's first and most notable example is the 16th-century Swiss city of Geneva as administered by John Calvin and his accompanying Reformation religious doctrines. Writes Wilson: "Calvinism is an interlocking system with a purpose: to unify and coordinate action. The goals may be difficult to define precisely, but they certainly include what Durkheim referred to as secular utility--the basic goods and services that all people need and want, inside and outside of religion. The interlocking system includes explicit behavioral prescriptions, specific theological beliefs, and a mighty fortress of social control and coordination mechanisms. Thinking of a group as an organism encourages us to look for adaptive complexity, and this search has paid off in the case of Calvinism."
Ultimately it is the "secular utility" of religion that Wilson is most concerned with. Religion has survived as a human belief system because it does make its adherents--as groups, not as individuals--themselves more likely to flourish and reproduce, etc. This core of Wilson's argument I find compelling. In fact, just recently I visited the Shaker Village in Canterbury, New Hamphsire and was struck while touring around the place just how much the Shaker community of the 18/19th centuries seemed to resemble the social structure of Calvinism that Wilson describes--the same sort of efficient organization, the same sort of social pressure to conform to the rules inherent to that form of organization. And the Canterbury Shakers did flourish--at least for a while. But by the early part of the 20th century their numbers were declining rapidly, the last male "elder" dying in 1939, a few venerable female Shakers living on for a few more decades. So while the Shaker "group" clearly did provide "secular utility" up to a point, beyond it the Shaker way of life proved finally a failure. Why? (Beyond the fact that the Shakers practiced celibacy, something that did not prevent them from growing in membership previously, however.)
Although the Shakers did provide support for the expression of individualism to a limited extent--artisans and craftsmen of various kind, who often produced practical objects of very skillful design--truly individual creativity and thinking was otherwise quite clearly discouraged, as it must have been in Calvin's Geneva. Say what you will about American individualism, it does allow for its share of cranks, eccentrics, and artistic geniuses, people not really encouraged to inhabit religious communites like these, and there's not much mention of these sorts in Wilson's book--not much mention of art at all. It seems to me the Shakers declined during a time when American culture was becoming increasingly characterized by its appeal to individualist sensibilities, something the Shakers were finally unable to counteract. It also seems to me that Wilson's group selection theory fares badly when the "social organism" in question is a society, whether American or otherwise, where personal preferences are largely given their due.
Unless of course the theory itself has been formulated partly as a response to the perceived excesses of such a society, as in effect a weapon to be brandished in the still ongoing cultural wars. (This is something I found to be the case with Stephen Pinker's The Blank Slate as well, as much as I respected much of what the book had to say.) Don't all those atheists, the moral relativists, the bellyaching artists understand that we human beings act according to biologially wired precepts (in Wilson's case, culturally wired as well) which it is folly to resist? Wilson, a scientist, even seems to think scientists should watch their steps: "It is interesting to speculate that science is unique in only one respect: its explicit commitment to factual realism. Virtually every other human unifying system includes factual realism as an important and even essential element but subordinates it to practical realism when necessary." [That is, they ignore the facts.] ". . .I think that science might profit by becoming more religious along certain dimensions. . .Science needs an effective structure that implements a spirit of community as much as any other human unifying system." (Quotes, page 230.)
Surely Wilson would say the same thing about "artistic communites" or "philosophical communties" or "intellectual communities." All of them need to subordinate their respective activities--in each case a search for something like "truth"--to the needs of "practical realism". As it happens, there is a movement in contemporary literary criticism/theory that explicitly seeks to merge literature and literary criticism with Darwinism. This movement is perhaps best represented by Joseph Carroll's 1995 book Evolution and Literary Theory. Carroll's subject is not group selection, but he too finds too much non-Darwinian thinking and free-floating individualism among the learned classes, specifially literary theorists. He argues "for the view that knowledge is a biological phenomenon, that literature is a form of knowledge, and that literature is thus itself a biological phenomenon." He doesn't just mean that literature is written by human beings, but that it is implicated in "the relationship between the organism and its environment. I shall argue that in both the human sciences and the humanities this relationship, as a structural concept, should take a postion of heirarchical priority over every other concept." In other words, literature and literary study should work to illuminate the biological adaptiveness of the human "organism" to its existing conditions.
Those who truly believe in the specific religious doctrines they profess probably would take no comfort from Darwin's Cathedral, since it values religion entirely for its secular benefits. But it is consistent with a certain kind of conservative thought which affirms the importance of religion because it literally keeps the mass of people in their place. Literature, art more generally, is also affirmed in such a scheme to the extent it contributes to this effort. The Darwinian view of literature to be found in a book like Evolution and Literary Theory also, in my view, works to insure good order, in this case seeking to keep writers and critics in their proper place. As much as I find the Darwinian explanation of the origins of life and of human behavior to be convincing, almost certainly correct, the versions of Darwinism to be found in books like these rather puzzle me. As I understand it, natural selection works by seizing on individual variations that prove salutary in the long run. Yet these professed Darwinian thinkers seem hostile to such individual differences where culture or art are concerned. What am I missing?